Live Tv
Rtv Plus
Emergence of a New Indo-Maldives Strategic Dynamic
International Desk
15 Oct 2024, 18:33
Photo: Collected
India and the Maldives have recently redefined their bilateral relationship, transforming it into a Comprehensive Economic and Maritime Security Partnership during a meeting between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Maldivian President Mohamed Muizzu on October 7, 2024. This partnership covers various areas, including economic cooperation, maritime security, development initiatives, and political engagement, signaling a positive shift after periods of tension.
Reset in Relations
President Muizzu’s initial “India Out” campaign, which sought the withdrawal of Indian military personnel and stirred anti-India sentiments, had strained relations. However, his recent visit to India from October 6–10, 2024, marked a diplomatic reset. Recognizing the need for cooperation amid an economic crisis, Muizzu sought India’s support, acknowledging India as the Maldives’ "closest friendly country and neighbor."
Several agreements were signed during his visit, including currency swaps and development projects, further solidifying the new strategic partnership. Modi’s warm reception and Muizzu’s willingness to collaborate demonstrate a pragmatic shift in the Maldives' foreign policy.
Comprehensive Economic and Maritime Security Partnership
This new partnership aims to foster cooperation in maritime security, economic development, infrastructure, and political engagement. The Maldives' strategic location in the Indian Ocean makes maritime security a key focus. Joint efforts will ensure the safety of vital trade routes, contributing to regional stability.
India remains a significant development partner, offering support in health, education, infrastructure, and disaster management. The partnership also emphasizes boosting bilateral trade and investment through collaborations in tourism, fisheries, and transportation infrastructure.
Strengthening Development and Defence Cooperation
India has committed to several major development projects, including the Greater Male Connectivity Project and building bridges, airports, and social housing units. During Muizzu’s visit, the inauguration of the Hanimaadhoo International Airport runway and the handover of 700 social housing units were celebrated. Additionally, India provided financial assistance through a $400 million currency swap agreement and $100 million treasury bills rollover, supporting the Maldives' economic stability.
On the defense front, India agreed to refit the Maldivian Coast Guard Ship Huravee free of charge, enhancing maritime cooperation. These efforts align with India’s strategy to strengthen regional security partnerships.
Focus on Governance, Education, and Digital Services
India and the Maldives aim to improve governance through digital cooperation, modernizing financial systems, and enhancing public services. India has also supported education by offering scholarships and training programs. In addition, the two countries engage in joint marine scientific research, focusing on conservation and sustainable use of marine resources.
Key Agreements and Their Impact
The two leaders signed five significant agreements, including those related to judicial training, corruption prevention, law enforcement, and youth affairs. These agreements reflect both countries' commitment to enhancing governance and mutual cooperation. The launch of the RuPay card in the Maldives will further facilitate seamless financial transactions between the two nations.
Regional Implications and Future Prospects
The strengthened India-Maldives relationship is expected to have broader regional impacts. Enhanced maritime security cooperation will benefit the Indian Ocean region by ensuring stability along critical trade routes. This dynamic partnership may also influence the strategies of external powers like China and the U.S., compelling them to recalibrate their regional engagements.
The focus on economic growth and development projects could open new opportunities for trade and investment across South Asia, potentially encouraging neighboring countries to pursue similar partnerships for their own economic benefit.
President Muizzu has invited Modi to visit the Maldives in 2025 to commemorate the 60th anniversary of diplomatic relations, signaling a future of deeper cooperation. As both countries continue to engage through high-level exchanges, the Indo-Maldives strategic partnership is poised to strengthen further, fostering stability, growth, and mutual prosperity in the region.
This evolving partnership not only cements India’s influence in the Indian Ocean but also demonstrates the Maldives’ commitment to regional collaboration, setting the stage for long-term bilateral success.
(Source: Times of Oman)
Comments
How Can Bangladesh Recover Assets Stolen During Awami League Rule?
The interim government should work with other governments to impose targeted sanctions against suspected money launderers and freeze their assets.
In late September 2022, Bangladesh’s foreign reserves dwindled, compelling former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to seek budget support of around $4.7 billion.
Around the same time, the U.K. daily, The Financial Times, was drafting a story featuring a Bangladeshi watch collector, Ahmed Rahman. Ahmed Rahman is the nephew of Salman F. Rahman who used to be a powerful adviser of Sheikh Hasina. Salman is now in custody.
The story published in The Financial Times pointed out that apart from expensive watches, Ahmed’s family owns numerous properties in the U.K. worth millions of U.S. dollars. Another news site, Netra News, published previously that Sheikh Hasina’s sister Sheikh Rehana lives in one of the houses owned by the Rahman family in the U.K.
How Ahmed and his family transferred this large amount of money to the U.K. remains a puzzle as Bangladeshi law restricts the amount of money sent abroad.
However, it’s public knowledge that the ruling elites under Hasina’s Awami League-led regime in Bangladesh used many dark methods to siphon money abroad. According to Al Jazeera’s investigative desk, for example, Saifuzzaman Chowdhury, a former land minister in the Hasina government, whose global wealth portfolio is over $500 million, siphoned most of his money out of Bangladesh.
With Hasina’s resignation and the exit of the AL government, a new interim government under Mohammad Yunus has taken charge. This government needs to bring back Bangladesh’s stolen assets.
The Yunus government has already taken some bold steps to revive the economy. It is, for example, implementing financial sector reforms by reshuffling boards of controversial banks, and seeking debt support from the IMF, World Bank and Asian Development Bank. Despite these efforts, Bangladesh’s exchequer remains strained.
Hence, in addition to seeking loans, the interim government must explore avenues to repatriate the laundered money, which will not only boost the economy but also help reduce the debt burden.
There are four ways that Bangladesh can recover its stolen assets.
Firstly, Bangladesh is part of the Stolen Asset Recovery Initiative (StAR), a partnership between the World Bank Group and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), but is yet to utilize its full potential as the Hasina regime used it as a tool to harass opposition leaders instead of using it to recover the assets. Under this initiative, the U.K. government helped Bangladesh to get back around $1.5 million.
Secondly, the interim government can work with other governments to impose targeted sanctions against suspected money launderers and freeze their assets, forcing them to return to Bangladesh and surrender.
Thirdly, the U.S. Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) can be a game-changer if the laundered money is invested in or transacted through the U.S. financial systems. Bangladesh can learn from the FIFA corruption scandals and use the knowledge to target Bangladeshis accused of corruption and now living in the U.S. One notable example is Manmath Ranjan Baroi, an aide to former Minister for Education Nurul Islam Nahid, who was accused of corruption and fled to the U.S. in April 2020. Another is the ex-land minister Saifuzzaman, who is said to have invested in the U.S., according to Bloomberg.
Finally, Bangladesh’s Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) must work with the governments of countries considered the destination of money laundering by Hasina’s cronies and enhance financial intelligence sharing about the suspected individuals. Government-to-government partnerships should be initiated regarding legal assistance to prevent money laundering and to repatriate funds, particularly with the U.S., U.K., Canada, UAE and Singapore, known to be popular destinations for money launderers, as an immediate step.
While Bangladesh needs to step up and act fast to explore the options and build global partnerships, the governments in the West, Middle East, and Southeast Asia should also cooperate and show goodwill in helping Bangladesh to recover the laundered money.
Author: Columnist and human rights defender.
Emergence of a New Indo-Maldives Strategic Dynamic
India and the Maldives have recently redefined their bilateral relationship, transforming it into a Comprehensive Economic and Maritime Security Partnership during a meeting between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Maldivian President Mohamed Muizzu on October 7, 2024. This partnership covers various areas, including economic cooperation, maritime security, development initiatives, and political engagement, signaling a positive shift after periods of tension.
Reset in Relations
President Muizzu’s initial “India Out” campaign, which sought the withdrawal of Indian military personnel and stirred anti-India sentiments, had strained relations. However, his recent visit to India from October 6–10, 2024, marked a diplomatic reset. Recognizing the need for cooperation amid an economic crisis, Muizzu sought India’s support, acknowledging India as the Maldives’ "closest friendly country and neighbor."
Several agreements were signed during his visit, including currency swaps and development projects, further solidifying the new strategic partnership. Modi’s warm reception and Muizzu’s willingness to collaborate demonstrate a pragmatic shift in the Maldives' foreign policy.
Comprehensive Economic and Maritime Security Partnership
This new partnership aims to foster cooperation in maritime security, economic development, infrastructure, and political engagement. The Maldives' strategic location in the Indian Ocean makes maritime security a key focus. Joint efforts will ensure the safety of vital trade routes, contributing to regional stability.
India remains a significant development partner, offering support in health, education, infrastructure, and disaster management. The partnership also emphasizes boosting bilateral trade and investment through collaborations in tourism, fisheries, and transportation infrastructure.
Strengthening Development and Defence Cooperation
India has committed to several major development projects, including the Greater Male Connectivity Project and building bridges, airports, and social housing units. During Muizzu’s visit, the inauguration of the Hanimaadhoo International Airport runway and the handover of 700 social housing units were celebrated. Additionally, India provided financial assistance through a $400 million currency swap agreement and $100 million treasury bills rollover, supporting the Maldives' economic stability.
On the defense front, India agreed to refit the Maldivian Coast Guard Ship Huravee free of charge, enhancing maritime cooperation. These efforts align with India’s strategy to strengthen regional security partnerships.
Focus on Governance, Education, and Digital Services
India and the Maldives aim to improve governance through digital cooperation, modernizing financial systems, and enhancing public services. India has also supported education by offering scholarships and training programs. In addition, the two countries engage in joint marine scientific research, focusing on conservation and sustainable use of marine resources.
Key Agreements and Their Impact
The two leaders signed five significant agreements, including those related to judicial training, corruption prevention, law enforcement, and youth affairs. These agreements reflect both countries' commitment to enhancing governance and mutual cooperation. The launch of the RuPay card in the Maldives will further facilitate seamless financial transactions between the two nations.
Regional Implications and Future Prospects
The strengthened India-Maldives relationship is expected to have broader regional impacts. Enhanced maritime security cooperation will benefit the Indian Ocean region by ensuring stability along critical trade routes. This dynamic partnership may also influence the strategies of external powers like China and the U.S., compelling them to recalibrate their regional engagements.
The focus on economic growth and development projects could open new opportunities for trade and investment across South Asia, potentially encouraging neighboring countries to pursue similar partnerships for their own economic benefit.
President Muizzu has invited Modi to visit the Maldives in 2025 to commemorate the 60th anniversary of diplomatic relations, signaling a future of deeper cooperation. As both countries continue to engage through high-level exchanges, the Indo-Maldives strategic partnership is poised to strengthen further, fostering stability, growth, and mutual prosperity in the region.
This evolving partnership not only cements India’s influence in the Indian Ocean but also demonstrates the Maldives’ commitment to regional collaboration, setting the stage for long-term bilateral success.
(Source: Times of Oman)
Warming Vietnam-China Ties: Hugging a Wolf in Panda’s Clothing
Vietnam’s national identity has long been shaped by its struggle against Chinese domination. For over a millennium, various Chinese dynasties ruled Vietnam, leaving an enduring sense of insecurity. This historical “millennium of grievance” has profoundly influenced Vietnam’s strategic thinking, reinforcing concerns about threats from the north. Even Vietnam’s term for “country” (đất nước) emphasizes land (“đất”) before water (“nước”), reflecting a traditional focus on land-based threats despite its maritime geography.
Though Vietnam and China share Communist ideologies, their relationship has evolved beyond ideology. Three decades after the Cold War, both countries maintain party-to-party ties, but these exchanges now focus more on strategic reassurance than ideological alignment. Tensions over issues such as the South China Sea persist beneath the surface of their diplomatic engagements.
Strategic Reassurance Amid Historical Tensions
The recent elevation of Tô Lâm as the Vietnamese Communist Party’s new General Secretary underscores a tightening alignment with China. Tô Lâm’s first state visit after his appointment was to Beijing on August 19, 2024, where Chinese President Xi Jinping emphasized the “strategic significance” of bilateral relations. His leadership mirrors Xi’s focus on national security and strengthens anti-corruption campaigns that consolidate political power.
This growing alignment requires setting aside contentious issues like the South China Sea disputes. Lâm’s cozying up to Beijing allows both countries to downplay differences for now, especially given China’s simultaneous pressure on the Philippines over maritime claims. However, the deep-rooted mistrust between the two nations has not disappeared—Vietnamese leaders remain cautious about Beijing’s intentions.
Economic Cooperation with Limits
Vietnam’s relationship with China is shaped by pragmatic interests, but tensions remain. China’s economic influence comes with political risks, as Beijing’s control over trade and infrastructure projects leaves Hanoi concerned about economic dependency. While Vietnam benefits from Chinese trade, investments, and infrastructure initiatives, it has also canceled oil and gas projects under Chinese pressure, incurring nearly $1 billion in compensation to foreign firms.
China’s illegal, unregulated fishing (IUU) activities and maritime restrictions force Vietnamese fishermen to venture farther south, complicating Vietnam’s fishing industry. Additionally, Vietnam accuses China’s upstream damming of the Mekong River of exacerbating saline intrusion and drought in the Mekong Delta, adding to local farmers' frustrations.
Managing Maritime Conflicts
Despite the diplomatic warm-up, maritime disputes remain unresolved. Vietnam refuses to drop its sovereignty claims over the Paracel and Spratly Islands and has intensified land reclamation efforts in the South China Sea. While China tolerates these moves for now, tensions could easily resurface. Unlike the Philippines, which challenged China’s maritime claims through international arbitration, Vietnam pursues a quieter strategy, balancing cooperation with resistance.
The complexity of Vietnam-China relations lies in their evolution from hostility to cautious friendship. Though the two nations share Communist roots, Hanoi increasingly views Beijing’s policies as driven by national interests rather than ideology. While ideological conservatives in Hanoi advocate for socialist solidarity, nationalist elites recognize that China’s geopolitical ambitions pose a long-term threat.
Domestic Implications of Economic and Cyber Misconduct
Vietnam’s challenges with China extend beyond the maritime domain. Chinese criminal syndicates operating out of Sihanoukville, Cambodia, have entrapped Vietnamese nationals in forced labor schemes disguised as job opportunities. Disturbing videos of victims swimming across the border to escape these operations have gone viral, further straining public perceptions of China.
Strategic Balancing Act
Although the warming ties between Vietnam and China seem beneficial for both parties, Hanoi remains wary of falling too deeply into Beijing’s orbit. Vietnam’s leadership is acutely aware that allowing foreign military bases on its soil would provoke China, complicating regional security dynamics. For Vietnam, maintaining its sovereignty and autonomy remains a top priority.
Beijing’s growing economic influence over Hanoi, combined with historical grievances, fuels anxiety among Vietnamese leaders about vulnerabilities in defense and trade. China’s relentless push for dominance in the South China Sea makes clear that neither ideology nor economic interdependence can temper its geopolitical ambitions. Vietnam, historically invaded multiple times from the sea, views maritime security as central to its national strategy.
Conclusion
Though Beijing and Hanoi project an image of solidarity, the relationship remains fragile. Vietnam’s long-term goal is to reclaim lost maritime territories, and its leaders know that China will not relinquish its ambitions. As Tô Lâm navigates this delicate partnership, he may soon discover that China is more wolf than panda—disguising strategic ambitions beneath friendly overtures.
US Lawmakers, Scholars Sound Alarm Over CCP Propaganda in Universities
Concerns are mounting over the use of Chinese Communist Party (CCP) propaganda materials in American universities. These materials, often embedded in Chinese language and cultural programs, align with the CCP’s political agenda, raising questions about academic freedom, transparency, and students' perceptions of China. Critics argue that such resources are part of Beijing’s broader strategy to project soft power and shape global narratives through education.
Propaganda in Academic Materials
A recent controversy centers around a textbook titled Discussing Everything Chinese, widely used in Chinese language courses at major US universities, including Yale University and San Francisco State University. Researcher Cynthia Sun from the Falun Dafa Information Center uncovered that the book promotes anti-Falun Gong rhetoric, reflecting the CCP’s long-standing persecution of the spiritual practice.
Falun Gong, a meditative practice rooted in Buddhist traditions, promotes truth, compassion, and forbearance. After it gained massive popularity in China during the 1990s—reportedly attracting between 70 to 100 million practitioners—the CCP, under Jiang Zemin’s leadership, initiated a brutal crackdown in 1999. Since then, Falun Gong practitioners have been subjected to severe repression, including detention and torture.
The presence of such CCP-backed narratives in academic settings has sparked criticism from lawmakers, scholars, and advocacy groups, who see it as an attempt to normalize Beijing’s authoritarian policies under the guise of education.
Lawmakers Demand Action
During the recent event “Back in Class: Foreign Funding & Malign Influence on US Higher Education,” held at the International Spy Museum in Washington, Sun raised the issue with Rep. John Moolenaar (R-Mich.), chairman of the House Select Committee on the CCP. Moolenaar acknowledged the deceptive nature of China’s efforts to influence sectors across the US, including universities. He emphasized the need for transparency and accountability in educational materials, suggesting that oversight through federal hearings and public awareness would be key.
“What China is doing is really trying to infiltrate every aspect of the private sector, universities, and culture—and they’re being very deceptive about it,” Moolenaar warned. While legislative action is one avenue, he stressed that much of the response will involve raising awareness and ensuring that problematic materials are identified and removed.
Challenges to Academic Freedom
The discovery of CCP-backed content raises serious concerns about academic freedom. Universities, traditionally seen as spaces for free inquiry and critical thinking, risk compromising these values by allowing biased materials into their curricula. The use of educational resources produced by Chinese state-controlled publishers reflects the CCP’s influence in shaping narratives, often framing China’s governance and history in ways that align with the regime’s propaganda.
The reliance on such materials limits students' exposure to diverse perspectives, promoting a one-sided understanding of Chinese politics and society. Some academics may even engage in self-censorship to avoid upsetting Chinese authorities, fearing restrictions on travel or access to research opportunities in China. This atmosphere discourages open discussion on politically sensitive topics, further narrowing the range of viewpoints available to students.
The Broader Soft Power Push
The use of CCP-backed educational content in American universities is part of China’s larger soft power campaign. Through cultural diplomacy, language programs, and partnerships with foreign institutions, the Chinese government seeks to shape global perceptions of its political system and promote its model of governance.
In the US, these efforts involve subtle integration of pro-CCP narratives into academic programs, influencing how future leaders, policymakers, and scholars view China. The normalization of these narratives risks legitimizing China’s authoritarian system while obscuring the CCP’s ongoing human rights abuses and censorship practices.
Protecting Educational Integrity
The growing influence of Chinese government-backed programs underscores the importance of vigilance in academic institutions. Universities must ensure that educational content reflects a diverse range of perspectives and does not serve the interests of authoritarian regimes. Transparency in funding sources and greater scrutiny of curricula are essential to safeguarding academic integrity.
While educational exchange is valuable for fostering mutual understanding between nations, the introduction of biased content undermines the very principles of higher education. As Rep. Moolenaar noted, public awareness will play a crucial role in curbing the influence of CCP propaganda. Ensuring that students are exposed to objective, balanced narratives is essential for maintaining the credibility of American academic institutions.
This issue highlights the need for ongoing oversight of foreign-funded educational programs. By remaining vigilant, universities can better protect academic freedom and critical thinking, ensuring that students receive an education free from foreign political interference.
(Source: The Singapore Post)
