A land etched by the rivers of time, Bangladesh stands today at a moral crossroads. Our history books, our folk songs, and our national identity are built upon a profound legacy of communal harmony, resilience, and collective compassion.  This is the soil that gave birth to the spirit of Ekattor, where religion, ethnicity, and creed blurred into a singular, unstoppable force for liberation.  This is the culture that venerates Lalon Shah, whose verses transcended the artificial walls of faith, asking the most human of questions: “What form does the soul take?” Yet, scrolling through today’s news feeds or hearing whispers in our neighborhoods, we are confronted with a jarring, painful contradiction.  A rising tide of barbaric incidents—communal violence, brutal attacks on minorities, venomous speech, and acts of shocking cruelty—threatens to tear the very fabric of our society. How did we, a nation born from a symphony of unity, find ourselves listening to this dissonant cacophony of hate? In the months following the political upheaval of August 2024, Bangladesh witnessed a disturbing surge in violence against religious minorities. According to the Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Unity Council (BHBCUC), more than 2,010 incidents of communal violence occurred between August 4 and 20, 2024, alone—including attacks on 69 temples, damage to over 1,000 homes and businesses, and the loss of innocent lives.  In the first half of 2025, the Council documented another 258 incidents, including 27 murders, 59 attacks on places of worship, and 20 cases of violence against women. Odhikar and Human Rights Watch have also recorded the continued targeting of Hindu, Buddhist, Christian and Ahmadiyya communities, as well as indigenous groups. These numbers are not abstract statistics. They represent shattered homes, desecrated temples, and families living in fear. One harrowing case that shocked the nation was the lynching of 25-year-old Hindu garment worker Dipu Chandra Das in December 2025—beaten, hanged, and set ablaze over an alleged blasphemy accusation.  Such acts of barbarity stand in stark, heartbreaking contrast to the compassionate Bangladesh we know ourselves to be. The gap between our historical self-image and our present reality is not just alarming; it is an existential warning. We must confront this contradiction not with denial, but with fierce, collective introspection. The barbarity we witness is not an alien invasion; it is a corrosion from within.  Read More The Turbulent History of US-Cuban Relations It is the fruit of cultivated prejudice, of political and social narratives that have, for years, quietly exchanged our rich, complex identity for a narrow, monolithic one. It is the result of an empathy deficit, where the “other”—be they of a different faith, ethnic community, or social standing—is slowly dehumanized, turned from a neighbor into a caricature, and then into a target. This dehumanization is the bedrock of all barbarism. When we strip a person of their individual story, their dreams, and their capacity for pain and joy—reducing them to a mere label of “they” or “them”—we grant ourselves unconscious permission for cruelty.  The assailant does not see a humble shopkeeper, a devout worshipper, or a diligent student; he sees only an abstract symbol he has been taught to fear or despise. This is where our collective failure lies. We have allowed the space for shared stories to shrink.  We have forgotten the profound Bengali tradition of ‘mohamaya’—the divine illusion that separates us—and instead of seeking the underlying unity, we have begun to believe the illusion is real. Therefore, the antidote to this barbarity is not merely stricter laws or louder condemnation, though both are necessary. The fundamental antidote is a conscious, deliberate, and massive reawakening of compassion—not as a soft, passive feeling, but as the most robust and revolutionary human quality.  Compassion is not mere pity; it is the courageous recognition of oneself in another. It is the active force that propelled hundreds of Muslim villagers to form protective rings around Hindu puja mandaps in times of tension and Hindu families to shelter their Muslim neighbors.  These are not fairy tales; they are living, breathing examples from our own recent past, proving that our better nature is not extinct, only dormant. Reclaiming this compassion requires a personal and public revolution. First, we must practice Radical Empathy in our daily orbits. This starts in our homes—in what we tolerate and what we challenge. It means correcting a prejudiced joke at the family meal, intervening when a colleague is unfairly maligned for their background, and choosing kindness in traffic and in queues.  It means visiting the neighborhoods and houses of worship of communities different from our own, not as tourists, but as learners and guests.  We must consciously consume media that humanizes rather than demonizes, sharing stories of inter-community friendship, collaborative business ventures, and the countless mixed neighborhoods where life continues in peaceful synergy. These narratives are our true national news. Second, we must demand and cultivate responsible speech from our leaders, influencers, and ourselves. Words are the architects of reality. The venom that flows from political platforms, social media pulpits, and even some pulpits of faith is not “just talk”; it is the kindling for the fire of violence.  Collected Photo We must collectively shift our moral compass to honor those who build bridges with their words and withdraw our attention—and our votes—from those who trade in division. Silence in the face of hateful rhetoric is complicity. Our public discourse must be re-sanctified by the values of liberty and equality that our forebears died for. Finally, we must actively rebuild our civic friendship. The strength of Bangladesh has always been in its samajik bonds—the community organizations, cultural groups, and relief committees that form spontaneously in crises.  We need to revive and reinvent these spaces as integrated, inclusive forums. Let our literary festivals, football tournaments, flood relief efforts, and cultural jatra be deliberately pluralistic. Let our children study together, play together, and work on community projects together, so their friendships become an unbreakable barrier against future bigotry. Our harmony was never the absence of diversity, but its celebration. Bangladesh is not, and must never become, a nation defined by the barbarism of a few. It is defined by the quiet compassion of millions—the farmer who shares his harvest, the rickshaw puller who returns a lost wallet, and the strangers who pull together during a cyclone. This is our true character. This is the soul of this land, waiting to be reaffirmed. The rivers of Bangladesh do not compete—they merge before flowing into the sea. Let our diverse streams of humanity do the same. Let compassion become the mighty current that sweeps away the debris of hatred. In a world full of conflict, only humanity can stop this.  Our history commands it. Our future depends on it. Every day, in every conversation and every act, let us choose to be healers, not hurters. Let us rebuild, together, the Bangladesh that was always meant to be—a sanctuary for the human heart.

Donald Trump is not the first US president to have expansionist ambitions for Cuba. The US has a long history of trying to control the island — and of antagonistic relations with its government. "I think I could do anything I want with it": That's what Donald Trump said about Cuba mid-March. Yet he is hardly the first US president with such expansionist desires, notes historian Michael Zeuske, a professor at the Center for Dependency and Slavery Studies at the University of Bonn. Zeuske says the US had already set its sights on the island as early as the mid-19th century. Cuba is not for saleBack then, Cuba was still a Spanish colony. In 1820, Thomas Jefferson, who had served as the third president of the nascent United States from 1801-09, declared that his country should seize the first opportunity to annex Cuba. Three years later, then-Secretary of State John Quincy Adams remarked: "There are laws of political as well as of physical gravitation; and if an apple severed by the tempest from its native tree cannot choose but fall to the ground, Cuba, forcibly disjoined from its own unnatural connection with Spain, and incapable of self support, can gravitate only towards the North American Union, which by the same law of nature cannot cast her off from its bosom." In 1848, the 11th US president, James K. Polk, offered the Spanish $100 million for Cuba, only for the European colonial power to reportedly reply that it would rather sink the island into the sea. Spain desperately wanted to keep hold of the colony, one of the few still in its possession. But just six years later the US was at it again: Its diplomats drafted a secret document in which they claimed the right to take Cuba by force should Spain continue to refuse their demand to sell the island. Nothing would come of it, however. The 'apple' is ripeAll these plans were a result of the Monroe Doctrine, a foreign policy direction rooted in then-President James Monroe's 1823 message to the European colonial powers that "America [is] for the Americans." On the surface, this message concerned the sovereignty of the young nation in North and South America. However, the US itself had already long ago embarked on a course of expansion. So wouldn't it be logical to finally pick that apple lying just 160 km (99 miles) off the south coast of Florida? It was practically on their doorstep. Finally, in 1898, the US found a pretext to take over the island. The Cubans had been fighting bitterly for years to rid themselves of Spanish rule, and Washington established a strong military presence on the island, on the pretext that it was protecting its citizens there. As part of this, the USS Maine, a navy battleship, was anchored in Havana Harbor for weeks. On February 15, 1898, a massive explosion tore open the ship's hull, sinking the vessel almost immediately. Was it caused by a smoldering fire that reached the ammunition? Or had the Spanish torpedoed the ship, as the US claimed? According to Zeuske, the accusation has never been substantiated; there is no proof it was an attack. The US nonetheless declared war on Spain. 'Remember the Maine! To hell with Spain!' became the rallying cry of soldiers in the Spanish-American war Cuba becomes a de facto protectorateThe war lasted just four months and ended with Spain losing its last major colonies: Puerto Rico, Guam, the Philippines and Cuba. The United States finally took control of the Caribbean island — but it didn't become a state. This is due in large part to US Senator Henry M. Teller, who opposed Cuba's annexation, supposedly to protect the sugar industry in his home state of Colorado from Cuban competition. Yet Cuba also wasn't given full independence. The United States refused to withdraw its troops unless the new government accepted the conditions of the "Platt Amendment." Cuban leaders had to include it in the constitution, Zeuske explains. The amendment would define future relations between the two countries, effectively allowing the US to have a say in foreign policy, national debt and health policy, as well as to intervene militarily and build naval bases. The base at Guantanamo still exists today. On May 20, 1902, US military rule ended and the Republic of Cuba installed its first president. But even then, Cuba remained a quasi-protectorate of its powerful northern neighbor. The US was driven largely by economic interests: By 1926, US companies controlled about 60% of Cuba's sugar industry. American investors also poured large amounts of money into hotels, bars and casinos in Havana. The mafia's long reachIn 1920 the US banned alcohol, and tourists began flocking to Cuba. Organized crime groups followed soon after. Cuba was close enough to the US to be easily reached but far enough away to avoid its law enforcement. Havana became a major hub for gambling, drug and arms trafficking, money laundering and prostitution. US crime groups and the circle around Cuba's dictatorial leader Fulgencio Batista made millions in profits. Batista maintained close ties with mob boss Meyer Lansky, who became a key business partner and informal adviser. The Cuban Revolution and its aftermathWhile the elites were growing wealthier, much of the population was struggling in poverty. In 1953 Fidel Castro led an initial insurrection that government forces crushed. His "26th of July Movement" subsequently waged a guerrilla war that ended in 1959 with Batista fleeing the country. "Castro initially tried to maintain a good relationship with the United States," Zeuske says, but US officials showed little interest in negotiating with a socialist revolutionary. What's more, Castro ordered the expropriation of US-owned refineries and sugar plantations and grew closer to the Soviet Union. In 1960, President Dwight D. Eisenhower imposed a trade embargo on Cuba. In 1961, Cuban exiles, covertly supported by the CIA, attempted to land at the Bay of Pigs, on Cuba's southern coast, and overthrow the Castro government. The operation failed miserably and became a public embarrassment for the United States. Cubans celebrated Castro as he made further overtures toward Moscow, turning Cuba into a Soviet-aligned state in the Western Hemisphere. In 1962, the Soviet Union deployed nuclear missiles to Cuba, bringing the world to the brink of nuclear war. The crisis ended when the Soviets withdrew the weapons in exchange for a US pledge not to invade Cuba. But US efforts to eliminate Castro continued, first through assassination plots and later through schemes involving poisoned cigars, a contaminated diving suit and an explosive device disguised as a seashell. These attempts caused Cubans to rally even more closely around their leader. Is Cuba 'ready to fall'?In the decades that followed, relations between the countries improved twice, under Presidents Jimmy Carter in the late 70s and Barack Obama in the 2010s. President Donald Trump later reversed that course. In early January, Trump claimed Cuba was "ready to fall" and increased pressure on the island by blocking its foreign oil supplies, including those from Cuba-friendly Venezuela, where the US had taken military action. In March, Trump added on camera: "I think I will have the honor of taking Cuba." The Cuban response was swift: Deputy Foreign Minister Carlos Fernandez de Cossío told NBC News that the country was sovereign and would not accept being controlled by another state. Conditions in Cuba remain strained. Its energy supply has faltered, and blackouts have become common. Tourism has declined, garbage has piled up in the streets, and food has spoiled during power outages. "When it comes to leadership, the military and territorial control, Cuba is extremely resilient," Zeuske says. "At the same time, people are deeply dissatisfied with their government, especially with the power cuts. Conditions continue to deteriorate. Many young people want to leave."

The national election of 12 February 2026 marks a significant moment in Bangladesh’s democratic journey. With a decisive parliamentary majority, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) is preparing to form the next government at a time when the regional and global order is undergoing profound transformation. This mandate carries not only domestic responsibilities but also an important message for India and the wider international community: Bangladesh seeks constructive partnerships grounded in mutual respect, equality, and shared prosperity. Bangladesh stands today at a crossroads. Over the past decade, geopolitical competition in the Indo-Pacific, economic realignment after the pandemic, and growing climate vulnerabilities have reshaped South Asia’s strategic environment. The people’s verdict signals a desire for renewed balance in foreign policy- one that strengthens democratic legitimacy at home while engaging responsibly abroad. Bangladesh First: A Principle of Responsible SovereigntyThe core philosophy of BNP’s foreign policy is “Bangladesh First.” This principle reflects a commitment to safeguarding national sovereignty, economic interests, and the welfare of citizens while maintaining cooperative relations with the world. Beyond Bangladesh’s borders, there are partners and friends, not patrons. Our approach will emphasise equality, fairness, and mutual respect. Bangladesh will pursue a confident yet pragmatic global role- one that contributes to regional stability while protecting national interests. This vision does not seek confrontation. Rather, it aims to ensure that Bangladesh engages internationally from a position of dignity and democratic legitimacy. India-Bangladesh Relations: Towards a Balanced PartnershipIndia remains one of Bangladesh’s most important neighbours and an essential partner in regional peace and prosperity. Geography, history, and shared cultural ties ensure that cooperation between Dhaka and New Delhi will continue to shape the future of South Asia. The new government envisions a relationship based on equality, mutual understanding, and long-term trust. Constructive dialogue on longstanding issues, including transboundary river management, fair water sharing of the Teesta and other rivers, and border security concerns, will be central to building confidence. Bangladesh believes that non-interference and respect for democratic processes must guide bilateral relations. A mature partnership between the two countries can unlock new opportunities in trade, connectivity, and regional stability, benefiting both nations’ citizens. Bilateral and Multilateral Engagement in a Multipolar WorldBNP’s foreign policy will emphasise strengthening bilateral and multilateral relations across regions. Bangladesh will deepen engagement with South Asian neighbours, enhance cooperation within ASEAN frameworks, and work to revitalise SAARC as a platform for regional dialogue. In the Indo-Pacific context, Bangladesh aims to play a constructive role in promoting maritime security, climate resilience, and freedom of navigation. As a coastal nation in the Bay of Bengal, Bangladesh recognises that regional cooperation is essential to addressing shared challenges, including natural disasters, sustainable fisheries, and economic connectivity. The guiding principle will remain pragmatic engagement, maintaining balanced relations with major global powers while avoiding alignment that undermines national independence. Economic Diplomacy: Driving Growth Through PartnershipsEconomic diplomacy will be a central pillar of Bangladesh’s global engagement. The next phase of development requires diversifying export markets, increasing foreign direct investment, and strengthening integration into global value chains. BNP will prioritise preferential trade agreements, expanded market access, and strategic partnerships that encourage technology transfer and value addition in industries. Efforts will also focus on expanding trade with South America and Africa, reducing overreliance on limited markets, and strengthening supply chains for agriculture and manufacturing. Labour and migration diplomacy will receive renewed attention so that Bangladesh’s skilled workforce can access global opportunities with dignity and protection. For India and other regional partners, these initiatives present opportunities for joint ventures, cross-border innovation, and digital cooperation. Strategic Engagement with the Muslim World and Emerging PartnersBangladesh has historically maintained strong ties with West Asia and the broader Muslim world. The new government intends to deepen strategic partnerships with Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries by aligning Gulf investment capacity with Bangladesh’s human resources and productive sectors. These partnerships will extend beyond labour migration to include food security initiatives, digital transformation, cybersecurity cooperation, and skills development. At the same time, Bangladesh will continue to strengthen relations with partners in Europe, the Americas, Africa, and Oceania, reflecting a diversified diplomatic outlook. Addressing the Rohingya Crisis Through Collective ActionThe Rohingya crisis remains one of the most pressing humanitarian and security challenges facing Bangladesh. Millions of displaced people continue to reside within our borders, placing a significant strain on local communities and resources. BNP considers the safe, voluntary, and dignified repatriation of Rohingyas to Myanmar, with full citizenship rights, a top diplomatic priority. Bangladesh will work closely with neighbouring countries, regional organisations, and international partners to achieve sustainable solutions that uphold international law and regional stability. Soft Power and People-to-People DiplomacyModern diplomacy extends beyond traditional statecraft. Bangladesh intends to strengthen soft power initiatives through education exchanges, cultural engagement, sports diplomacy, and youth collaboration. Expanding people-to-people contact with India and the global community can foster understanding and reduce mistrust, creating a foundation for durable partnerships. Bangladesh’s dynamic younger generation represents a bridge between cultures and economies. Encouraging their participation in global dialogue will enhance the country’s international presence while promoting inclusive development. A Responsible Global RoleThe electoral mandate of February 2026 reflects the aspirations of a nation seeking renewal- at home and abroad. Bangladesh’s message to India and the world is one of partnership without dependency, cooperation without compromise, and progress rooted in mutual respect. In an increasingly fragmented international system, Bangladesh aims to serve as a constructive and responsible actor- strengthening regional peace, promoting economic opportunity, and advancing shared human values. The path ahead will require patience, dialogue, and strategic vision. Yet the direction is clear: a confident Bangladesh is ready to engage with all nations while placing the interests and dignity of its people at the forefront.Source: Outlook