Homer's Iliad is not simply a story about the Trojan War. It is a story about human nature. Behind the battles, blood and glory, Homer presents two very different kinds of heroes, Achilles and Hector. Both are great warriors. Both are brave. Both know that death is waiting for them. Yet they choose to live their lives in very different ways. 

On 11 September 1893, a young monk from India stood before nearly seven thousand people at the World’s Parliament of Religions in Chicago and began with four words that still reverberate: “Sisters and Brothers of America.”

In a world weary with conflict, greed, and division, the teachings of Lord Krishna, the eighth avatar of Lord Vishnu, feel less like ancient scripture and more like an urgent prescription for our times. 

Nobel Laureate Rabindranath Tagore shared a profound spiritual connection with the monsoon clouds, the melody of rain, and the boundless beauty of nature. On a rainy day—a season he immortalized in countless poems, songs, and literary works—the universal poet bid farewell to this world.  Today, August 6 (corresponding to 22nd Shravan), marks the 85th death anniversary of this greatest luminary of Bengali literature. Rabindranath Tagore breathed his last on the 22nd of Shravan, 1348 BS (August 7, 1941) at the Jorasanko Thakur Bari in Kolkata. However, even more than eight decades after his passing, his literature, philosophy, music, and humanistic consciousness continue to brilliantly illuminate Bengali-speaking people and global culture alike. Tagore began his writing journey at the tender age of eight. Over a long and illustrious literary career, he enriched the Bengali language with an invaluable treasure trove of poetry, novels, short stories, dramas, essays, travelogues, letters, children's literature, and songs. By composing over two thousand songs, he created a unique musical genre—Rabindra Sangeet—which remains an integral part of Bengali life, culture, and emotion to this day. Beyond literature, Tagore was a pioneer in educational thought, social reform, and human welfare. Driven by the vision of integrating education with nature and humanism, he established Shantiniketan, which later evolved into Visva-Bharati University. For the improvement of rural economies and the livelihoods of farmers, he introduced agricultural credit systems and various rural development initiatives, which were remarkably visionary steps for that era. In 1913, Tagore won the Nobel Prize in Literature for the English translation of his poetry collection, Gitanjali. He was the first Asian Nobel laureate in literature, and through this achievement, Bengali literature attained a new stature on the world stage. Tagore never compromised on the issues of humanity and justice. In 1919, in protest against the Jallianwala Bagh massacre, he renounced the 'Knight' title conferred upon him by the British government, setting a unique precedent of humanitarian protest for the world. Born into the renowned Tagore family of Jorasanko, Kolkata, on the 25th of Boishakh, 1268 BS (May 7, 1861), Rabindranath Tagore was the 14th of the 15 children of Maharshi Debendranath Tagore and Sarada Sundari Devi. Growing up in a rich environment of literature, music, philosophy, and culture, Tagore later experienced the nature of Bengal and the lives of its people deeply through boat journeys along the Padma, Meghna, and Jamuna rivers. The imprints of those experiences remain immortalized in his countless literary works. During Bangladesh's struggle for independence, Tagore's songs served as a source of courage, hope, and inspiration. His composition "Amar Sonar Bangla" is the national anthem of Bangladesh, while India's national anthem, "Jana Gana Mana," is also his creation. In world history, Tagore holds the unique distinction of being the author of the national anthems of two countries. Marking his death anniversary, various cultural, literary, and educational institutions across the country have organized discussions, commemorative events, poetry recitations, musical programs, and other activities. As part of these observances, Chhayanaut will stage the musical drama Shyama this evening (August 6) at 7:00 PM at the Chhayanaut Auditorium in Dhaka. The event is open to all. Rabindranath Tagore is not merely a poet; he is an eternal symbol of Bengali self-identity, culture, humanity, and secular consciousness. Transcending the boundaries of time, his creations continue to inspire new generations, making the 22nd of Shravan not just a day of a poet's passing, but a day to bow the head in deep reverence before his infinite legacy.

The Taliban are tightening the screws on women's clothing, shooting at protesters and ordering even their own officials to stop using smartphones. Behind the regime's omnipresent control, there are signs of deep anxiety. The news from Afghanistan — or at least the news that can be gleamed and pieced together through the screen of censorship imposed by the Taliban regime — is alarming. In early June, Taliban authorities detained at least 30 women in the western city of Herat over alleged violations of dress-code rules, according to the UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA). The arrests triggered rare protests in Injil district, a predominantly Shiite area of Herat, a community already facing insecurity and discrimination at the hands of the extremist Sunni regime. Taliban forces responded with violence, shooting at protesters, according to UNAMA and human rights groups. At least two people were killed, including a child, and more than 20 others were injured.  The Taliban have rejected reports of the arrests. But the news has sparked anger among women's rights activists and renewed concern about the regime's ever-expanding control on women and public spaces.  Herat protests show resistance Two female members of the Afghan Women's Movement Network, who asked to remain anonymous for security reasons, described the arrests as part of a broader system of repression.  "Every woman arrested in Herat today is a symbol of the suffering of millions of Afghan women who live under the shadow of gender apartheid," one member told DW. "Women's freedom is their right. No to the Taliban!"  Another member of the network said the Taliban were criminalizing women's most basic choices. "The Taliban are arresting women for the crime of choosing how to dress," she told DW. "This behavior is neither religious nor humane. It is oppression of women and a clear violation of human dignity."  The protests in Herat were therefore not only a response to the arrest of women. They also showed that parts of Afghan society are still willing to challenge Taliban authority, despite the risks.  "These protests also showcase the resistance of the Afghan people and Afghan women," Nigara Mirdad, a former Afghan diplomat and women's rights activist, told DW. She said they also highlight "the solidarity of Afghan men with the women of the country," adding that this challenges the narrative the Taliban have imposed through force and tyranny over the past five years.  A symbolic fifth anniversary While Herat may seem as a local incident, it comes at a politically charged moment.  In August, the Taliban will mark five years since their return to power. Their first stint in power, from 1996 to 2001, also lasted roughly five years before it collapsed after the US-led invasion in response to the September 11 attacks.  Few observers expect a similar collapse now. The Taliban control state institutions, the security apparatus and most public life. Political opposition has been crushed. Independent media has been severely restricted. But the five-year mark carries historical weight. It reminds the people of Afghanistan that Taliban rule collapsed once before, despite appearing unshakable. Why the Taliban are tightening control Mohammad Osman Tariq, a religious scholar and deputy head of the Afghan Ulama Research Council, says the latest measures suggest anxiety inside the Taliban system.  The Taliban present many of their restrictions on women as a religious matter. Tariq rejects this framing and argues that the clampdown is primarily about preserving power.  "One reason why this current Taliban administration is tightening control and not allowing anyone — even women — to go out and protest, and why they even want to ban smartphones, is because they view all of this as a threat to their rule and existence," Tariq told DW. "Therefore, they are strictly avoiding it."  He said the public mood in Afghanistan has changed since the first years of Taliban rule. Some people who initially supported the Taliban, or hoped they had changed during the 20-year insurgency, have now become disillusioned, Tariq said. "It is natural that the Taliban fear for the continuation of their rule," he told DW. "They understand that, ultimately, this is a regime of oppression, and it will collapse. Even some of their own members believe that it cannot last." Smartphone ban fuels fear in Afghanistan The crackdown in Herat coincided with another draconian measure: Taliban officials and government employees were ordered to stop using smartphones. Videos circulating online appeared to show Taliban members destroying their phones in compliance with the order.  Many Afghans now fear that the same restrictions could eventually be extended to the entire population. In a country where independent journalism has been severely weakened and many reporters face intimidation, phones have become political instruments. Smartphones are one of the few remaining tools people can use to document abuses, share videos of protests and send evidence to media and rights groups outside the country.  The new smartphone ban indicates the regime's desire to control not only what people do, but also what can be seen.  Taliban view Afghan women as easy targetShinkai Karokhail, a former Afghan member of parliament, diplomat and rights activist, says the Taliban's repression is also linked to their failure to govern.  "Unfortunately, the Taliban regime has failed to meet the needs of the people, provide public services, or create employment opportunities," Karokhail told DW. "Consequently, they now fear a public uprising against them."  "In their view, the people must be intimidated and suppressed in various ways to prevent them from raising their voices," Karokhail said. "For the Taliban, women are the easiest and a soft target against whom they can use force to silence them." The Herat arrests reflect a broader pattern. Since returning to power, the Taliban have issued dozens of decrees restricting women's rights. They have barred girls from education beyond sixth grade, banned women from universities, restricted women's employment, closed many public spaces to women and enforced strict rules on dress and movement.  While the Taliban defend these policies as Islamic and culturally appropriate, Afghan women's rights activists see them as political tools to erase women from public life and incite fear.  Regime's grip exposes crisis of legitimacy Apart from the conflict with Pakistan, the Afghan Taliban face much less pressure from abroad today than when they seized power in 2021.Russia has officially recognized the Taliban authorities as the new Afghan government, while other nations maintain practical engagement despite refusing formal recognition.  Ex-diplomat Nigara Mirdad says the world's attention has moved onto other issues and crises. "It is impossible for them to continue with the policies they have implemented over the past five years," she told DW, but also noted that the international context has helped the Taliban remain in power longer than many expected.  That leaves Afghans in a difficult position. Inside the country, public anger is dangerous to express. Outside the country, the world is more concerned with security, migration and regional stability.  The events in Herat show both sides of this moment. The Taliban are tightening their grip as the world looks away. But the protests also show that control is not the same as legitimacy.